Wednesday, November 28, 2012

無法無天的墨西哥毒梟 / The Lawlessness of Mexico's Drug Cartels



Cartel 卡特爾 = 聯合企業;政黨間的聯盟。

從網友 Kempton 処得知無法無天的墨西哥毒梟,又再次草菅人命,用綁架和酷刑殺死了一個正直、清廉、無畏的女市長。根據英國每日郵報報導,這是毒梟殺手第三次襲擊 Dr. Maria Gorrostieta。

在2009年,埋伏狙擊鎗手向她和丈夫的汽車開火,Jose Sanchez Chavez被殺,瑪麗亞倖免於難,傷癒後返回Tiquicheo市,繼續為市民挻身而出,公開揭發毒梟的罪行。

在2010年,她在返工途中被殺手用机關槍掃射,車毁人傷,出院後要用人工肛門袋,子彈穿身的傷口令她痛苦難堪,但女巿長還是不畏壓力,不向毒梟屈膝低頭。

在2012年,毒梟再次襲擊,趁瑪麗亞送女兒上學的時候攔途綁架母女倆人,做母親的愛女情深,哀求殺手放女兒一條生路,而她就自願上匪徒的汽車。在11月17日,瑪麗亞的屍體在農村被人發現,初步調查是死於酷刑。

英國每日郵報節錄:  (| 


'Please spare my little girl': How Mexico's fearless female mayor sacrificed herself to save her daughter's life as she was abducted by drug gang, tortured and executed


  • - Maria Santos Gorrostieta had been stabbed, beaten and burned
  • - She defied Mexico's powerful drug gangs, who twice tried to gun her down
  • - She was kidnapped in broad daylight in front of her terrified daughter 
  • - The former mayor leaves behind three children


"..... Mexico has been torn apart by murderous drug gangs since President Felipe Calderon launched his drug offensive in 2006. More than 50,000 people have been killed in clashes between rival drug cartels and security forces and about two dozen mayors have been murdered. The cartels have ruled the streets with fear for years, enforcing their authority with murders, bribery and torture.... From January to September last year, 12,903 people were killed in the country in drug-related crime, ranging from gang members, Mexican military and innocent victims caught up in gun battles.... In 2009 a military assessment predicted that if the drugs war continued for another 25 years, Mexico’s government was at serious risk of collapse and the conflict would spread into America...."


Source of info / photo credit:  英國每日郵報 UK The Daily Mail

"Harrowing moment Mexico's fearless woman mayor begged for her little girl's life before she was abducted by drug gang, tortured and executed!!!"

Thursday, November 15, 2012

新中國的接班人 / PRC Under New Management



(L-R) Members of China's new Politburo Standing Committee Zhang Gaoli, Liu Yunshan, Zhang Dejiang, Xi Jinping, Li Keqiang, Yu Zhengsheng and Wang Qishan meet journalists in Beijing's Great Hall of the People on Nov 15, 2012. (Photo credit: UK The Telegraph)



以下是我在網友 Space 登貼的文章 "隔代欽點接班人" 処之留言:

For several thousand years, China was able to follow its own traditional political process because the Middle Kingdom was generally successful in isolating itself from foreign influence. Even when the empire was invaded, the invaders were eventually assimilated.

However, the accelerated pace of globalization in terms of trade, investment, technology, conflicts, health, environment, etc, will probably invalidate a straight line extrapolation of the past into the future.

Even with the great firewall of China and other state-controlled communication measures, I am not sure if the Middle Kingdom's virtual border will remain impermeable to foreign political ideas and influence.

Grooming the next generation of political successors is actually not a bad idea. The issue is whether the selection/appointment process will be merit-, ideology-, power struggle-, and/or princeling-based.

Haricot (November 16, 2012 1:28:00 PM)

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Related info/links:


Ex-Leader Wins in Beijing Power Play

Party Elder Jiang Had Heavy Hand In the Selection


BEIJING—In the chess game of Chinese politics, the new Communist Party leadership unveiled on Thursday may have been the last gambit of a grand master: the 86-year-old former president and party general secretary, Jiang Zemin.
Mr. Jiang was thought to be on his death bed last year, but shook off his illness and a potentially damaging scandal to ensure that the new seven-man Politburo Standing Committee—the top governing body—is once again dominated by his protégés and allies.
That means that Xi Jinping—the new party chief who has close ties to Mr. Jiang—should have a freer hand to tackle vested economic and bureaucratic interests than his predecessor, Hu Jintao, did over the last decade, according to party insiders and analysts.
Getty Images
Xi Jinping, left, and Li Keqiang greet the media at the Great Hall of the People on Thursday in Beijing.
The question is whether the new leaders linked to Mr. Jiang are more interested in replicating the aggressive economic reforms he pursued in the 1990s, or preserving the profits that have accrued to many members of the political elite since then, the insiders and analysts said.
And the next move in the game belongs to Mr. Hu, whose allies lost out in the battle for Standing Committee seats this year but are in prime spots to join the body in 2017, according to party insiders and political analysts.
In giving up his post as head of the Central Military Commission, Mr. Hu indicated that he would not retain the same level of influence as Mr. Jiang, who retained the military post for two years after retiring as party chief in 2002.
But Mr. Hu is 17 years younger than Mr. Jiang and may have burnished his reputation within the party, by becoming the first leader in its history to give up all formal powers in one go—helping to institutionalize a succession process long marred by violence and intrigue.

China's Leadership Change

See an interactive guide to China's 18th Communist Party Congress, read more about the outgoing leaders and some candidates for promotion.
Mr. Xi, who is considered a "princeling" because his father was a famous revolutionary leader, is one of five members of the new Standing Committee with close ties to Mr. Jiang, who was party chief from 1989-2002.
But only Mr. Xi and Li Keqiang, the expected future premier who is Mr. Hu's main ally, will remain on the body after 2017—as all the five incoming members will be able to serve just one five-year term for age reasons—raising the prospect of another shift in the factional balance of power.
Mr. Jiang is seen as the figurehead of a loose grouping of leaders, many of whom are princelings, while Mr. Hu heads a rival grouping, most of whose members don't have any revolutionary ancestry and rose instead through the ranks of the Communist Youth League.
"The new Standing Committee is not balanced," said Cheng Li, an expert on Chinese politics at the Brookings Institution. "There will be a backlash against Jiang Zemin and his princeling faction."
China's biggest leadership change in a decade comes at a critical juncture for the country as it confronts a slowing economy, escalating tensions with neighboring countries, an aging population and mounting public outrage over corruption and abuse of power.
It also comes in a year of extraordinary scandals for the party, most notably the political downfall of Bo Xilai, a prominent princeling and onetime Jiang protégé whose wife was convicted in August of murdering a British businessman.
Mr. Jiang's political influence appeared to be waning in the immediate aftermath of the Bo scandal as departing and retired leaders negotiated and plotted to ensure the promotion of their favorites to the new leadership.
But Mr. Hu also suffered a political blow in March when one of his closest aides, Ling Jihua, tried in vain to cover up a car accident in which his son died while driving a Ferrari at high speed through Beijing.
In his final speech as party chief last week, Mr. Hu warned that official corruption had become such a serious problem it could "cause the collapse of the party and the fall of the state."
Mr. Xi also highlighted corruption in his first speech as party leader, which analysts said was comparatively frank and less laden with Communist jargon than many of Mr. Hu's.
"Our party faces many severe challenges, and there are also many pressing problems within the party that need to be resolved, particularly corruption, being divorced from the people, going through formalities and bureaucratism caused by some party officials," Mr. Xi said.
"We must make every effort to solve these problems. The whole party must stay on full alert."
Party insiders say that there has been mounting frustration within their ranks—and especially among prominent princelings—over the lack of meaningful economic reform under the tenure of Mr. Hu and departing Premier Wen Jiabao.
Their critics often point out that Mr. Jiang presided over a period of bold reforms, including a sweeping shake-up of the state sector, a restructuring of the banking industry, and a successful campaign to win China entry to the World Trade Organization.
But Mr. Jiang, too, is criticized by some in the party for failing to make China's political system more transparent and responsive, and for undermining formal power structures by continuing to meddle in Chinese politics long after retiring as party chief.
Party insiders and analysts say Mr. Xi should be in a stronger position to implement meaningful economic change than his predecessor, whose authority has been persistently undermined by Mr. Jiang over the past 10 years, according to party insiders.
The smaller Standing Committee should make it easier to forge consensus among his peers, a majority of whom share a common patron. None of its members are considered ideologues or strong personalities who could cause conflict on the leadership body.
And with Mr. Hu gone from the Central Military Commission, Mr. Xi will have a firmer hold on power right at the start of his rule.
Kevin Rudd, the former Australian prime minister who has met Mr. Xi several times, said he thought the incoming Chinese leader understood that reform was "fundamental to the party's survival" and would play a more active role in the economy than his predecessor.
"Xi understands the imperative" he said. "You need to be engaged to provide political momentum to drive hard-edged economic reform."
Mr. Xi may have a ready-made economic agenda. Premier Wen Jiabao has ordered up two big initiatives by the end of the year. One is a planned overhaul of rural law designed to reduce the power of government officials to expropriate rural land and to improve compensation for farmers whose land is expropriated. Another is a proposal to reduce China's gaping income inequality. The latter is expected to call for an increase in taxes on the wealthy and, perhaps, a cap on salaries of top executives at state-owned firms, according to accounts in Chinese state media.
But it is far from clear that either will emerge. The inequality plan has been stalled since 2004, in part, because of opposition by state-owned firms, say the media reports.
Nomura economist Zhiwei Zhang says one hint about the direction of reform will come next month when the Central Economic Working Conference sets the target for 2013 GDP growth. If it is cut to 7% from this year's 7.5% goal, that may mean the government is willing to accept slower growth while it makes changes needed to rebalance the economy away from reliance on exports and investment, the analyst said.
The prospects for political reform appear less bright, according to many analysts.
They point to the exclusion from the Standing Committee of the two figures with the strongest track record on that front—Li Yuanchao, the head of the party's organization department, and Wang Yang, party chief of Guangdong province.
Mr. Li has overseen pilot schemes to enhance democracy within the party. Mr. Wang won plaudits last year for reaching a negotiated settlement when a village in Guangdong rebelled over land grabs by local officials.
"The free thinkers didn't make it on the standing committee," said Barry Naughton, a University of California at San Diego expert on the Chinese economy who is teaching now at Beijing's Tsinghua University.
"We have a group of similar men. They're politicians and practical deal makers."
But Messrs. Li and Wang—who are both considered close to Mr. Hu—are likely to be candidates for promotion to the Standing Committee in 2017, political analysts say.
Several other allies of Mr. Hu are also now eligible after being promoted on Thursday to the party's Politburo—its top 25 leaders. Mr. Ling, the close aide to Mr. Hu whose son was involved in the Ferrari crash, didn't make the Politburo, suggesting his political career has plateaued.
But among those who did was Hu Chunhua, the party chief of Inner Mongolia who isn't related to Hu Jintao but worked with him closely in Tibet and is now considered a front-runner to be promoted to the Standing Committee in 2017 and to take over as party chief in 2022.
(Source:  Wall Street Journal Ex-Leader Wins in Beijing Power Play)

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UK The Telegraph:
Profiles - Who are Xi-Jinping and China's six other new leaders


Xi Jinping is the only top Chinese leader to have grown up in the luxury of Zhonganhai, the walled private compound where the Communist elite lives, and in the scratching poverty of the countryside.
Until he was nine years old, Mr Xi travelled in the limousine of his father, Xi Zhongxun, a vice premier who had been the founder of one of the Communist guerrilla armies in north China. But in 1962 the elder Xi was purged for supporting the publication of a book that was felt to be critical of Chairman Mao.

He was held under house arrest until 1978, while his son was sent, at the age of 16, to work on a farm in Shaanxi, then one of China's poorest provinces. The farmers liked him: he won wrestling matches against them and was able to carry shoulder poles of heavy 110lb buckets across the mountains.

He left seven years later, as the Cultural Revolution ended. Later, he said: "It was emotional. It was a mood. And when the ideals of the Cultural Revolution could not be realised, it proved an illusion."

He then studied chemical engineering at Tsinghua university and joined the army upon graduation. His path to the top has taken him through almost every level of administration in the provinces of Hebei, Fujian, Zhejiang and saw him briefly run Shanghai. In Hebei, he was nicknamed "God of Wealth" after building a theme park based on Journey to the West, the Chinese classic. He also developed a reputation for cutting through red tape.

Described by many as a good man, and as a chip off the old block, Mr Xi has been opaque about his beliefs or policies, whether economic or political.

However, he has closer ties to the West than his predecessor, Hu Jintao. His first wife is thought to live in England, the daughter of a former Chinese ambassador to London. He has a sister in Canada, and his daughter with Pei Liyuan, a Chinese folk singer, is studying at Harvard university.
(Please read The Telegraph for further info)

Sunday, November 11, 2012

2012年11月11日和平紀念日 (停戰日)/ Remembrance Day (Armistice Day) Nov 11, 2012



遠東戰俘的禱告 

我們這一群倖存的 
隨著歲月漸漸衰老 

不能忘懷的   是 
那心中的悲嘆、痛苦  和眼淚

祈盼著人類

永遠不再 沉墜入
如斯遺憾與恥辱之中 

不單於國殤之月 

讓我們每日
永遠記取所付上之代價

(Source: 衛港加軍紀念協會)


今年十一月十一日和平紀念日Remembrance Day,加拿大總理以及加拿大保守黨領袖史提芬·哈珀,再次(上次是2009年)和妻子羅倫·哈珀 Mme. Laureen Harper在香港島東區的小西灣軍人墳場,向在第二次世界大戰,為抗日和保衛香港而犧牲的加拿大軍人致敬。

Prime Minister of Canada, the Right Honourable Stephen Harper:

"Laureen and I participated in the Sai Wan Commemoration Ceremony in Hong Kong. // Laureen et moi avons participé à la cérémonie commémorative tenue au Cimetière de Sai Wan, à Hong Kong."



我多年前回港探親,曾往港島赤柱軍人墳場紀念碑憑弔,還記得当時我觸摸那些為保衛香港捐軀的加拿大軍人名字,心中不禁黯然流淚。唉!一個在香港出生的加籍華人,能從加拿大回港舊地重遊,但這些在彼岸出生的楓葉國年輕人卻是戰死異鄉,體歸黃土,永遠不能重返家園!!!

以下是三位曾在香港服役的加拿大退伍軍人,回憶当年抵抗日軍侵掠和被俘入集中營的慘烈痛苦經驗。



香港保衛戰

以下是一系列有關第二次世界大戰保衛香港戰役的視頻記錄片:









References: Wikipedia

和平紀念日 Remembrance Day:

"..... 在加拿大和平紀念日(英文:Remembrance Day)並不是每一個省都是放假的,例如安大略省和魁北克省就沒有放假,但在其他省則有放假,不過有一些私人企業則不會放假,紀念是由每一年的第十一個月的第十一天第十一個小時開始,數萬人聚在首都渥太華市的國家戰爭紀念址,為戰爭中不幸死亡的軍人和平民祈禱,學校也會訟讀《在法蘭德斯戰場》這一首詩。和平紀念日在加拿大的民間受到高度重視,從和平紀念日的一周前民眾就開始佩戴虞美人花,一直到11日11時默哀。虞美人花原本應該在默哀後摘下丟人墓地,因此現在大部分人在默哀後摘下。

香港的和平紀念日原先是每年11月11日(1919年開始),1945年香港重光後改為11月的第二個星期日(又稱Remembrance Sunday Day)。香港總督和政府官員會在中環和平紀念碑紀念第一次世界大戰和悼念陣亡者。
香港主權移交後,兩次世界大戰的紀念活動合併一起在和平紀念日舉行。每年的紀念活動由香港退伍軍人聯會舉辦,在中環和平紀念碑舉行。政府官員和多個宗教領袖出席 (包括聖公會、天主教、東正教、佛教、道教、回教和錫克教) 。紀念儀式沿用英聯邦儀式,包括奏起<<最後崗位>>(The Last Post),並默哀2分鐘。後再響起「Reveille」,再放置花圈及禱告,誦讀Ode of Remembrance。在儀式上,香港警察樂隊負責禮儀,香港航空青年團、香港少年領袖團、香港海事青年團和童軍也會在場。....."

西灣國殤紀念墳場 Sai Wan War Cemetery:

"..... 西灣國殤紀念墳場由奧基斯(C. St. Clair Oakes)設計,入口面向歌連臣角道一方有墳場名字、一把劍、「1939」及「1945」字樣,面向墓園一方列出在同時期殉難而不知葬身處共2,071名軍人的名字,其中1,319人來自英國軍隊、228人來自加拿大軍隊、287人來自印度軍隊及237人來自香港本地的軍隊。另鑲有兩塊特別的碑石,其一載有144名被火化的印度教及鍚克教軍人的名字;另一塊則載有72名於兩次大戰在中國捐軀的英聯邦軍人的名字,其墳墓現已不存。墳場入口建有「西灣紀念碑」(Sai Wan Memorial),刻有「THEIR NAME LIVETH FOR EVERMORE」。墓園共有1,578穴墳墓,葬有59名海軍、1,406名陸軍、67名空軍、18名商船隊隊員、20名香港本地抗戰軍人及8名平民,國籍包括1,013名英國人、283名加拿大人、104名印度人、33名澳洲人、1名紐西蘭、1名緬甸人、53名香港人、72名荷蘭人及18名其他國籍人士。 ......"

Related Info/links

衛港加軍紀念協會:

"..... 二次大戰期間,一支由 1,975 名加軍組成的部隊被派遣香港,保衛當時為英屬殖民地之香港島。未有接受足夠訓練及裝備的一群志願軍人,於一九四一年十二月八日至廿五日,面對著遠超過加軍人數的日本皇軍,奮力為保衛香港而抗戰了兩個半星期之久,在香港淪陷之際,與盟軍一同落入日軍手中成為戰俘,飽受三年零八個月之苦難,長期活在饑餓、疾病和嚴重營養不良的環境之中,更被迫成為日軍之奴隸。 約 290 名加軍於戰事中陣亡,另 267 名死於日軍戰俘集中營。越半數衛港加軍死傷於這場香港保衛戰當中。 衛港加軍紀念協會(HKVCA)由退伍衛港加軍子弟於 1996 年成立,目的為承繼他們父母於1946 年已開始展開的使命與工作。 ....."
(Source: http://www.hkvca.ca/archives/memwall/BrochureCHN.pdf)

《在法蘭德斯戰場 In Flanders Fields》:

The first chapter of In Flanders Fields and Other Poems, a 1919 collection of McCrae's works, gives the text of the poem as follows:

In Flanders fields the poppies blow
      Between the crosses, row on row,
   That mark our place; and in the sky
   The larks, still bravely singing, fly
Scarce heard amid the guns below.

We are the Dead. Short days ago
We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow,
   Loved and were loved, and now we lie
         In Flanders fields.

Take up our quarrel with the foe:
To you from failing hands we throw
   The torch; be yours to hold it high.
   If ye break faith with us who die
We shall not sleep, though poppies grow
         In Flanders fields.


在法蘭德斯戰場虞美人迎風開放
開放在十字架之間,一排排一行行
標示我們斷魂的地方
雲雀依舊高歌,展翅在藍藍的天上
可你卻難以聽見,因為戰場上槍炮正響

我們死去了,就在幾天前
我們曾經擁有生命,沐浴曙光又見璀璨夕陽
我們愛人也為人所愛,可現在卻安息在
法蘭德斯戰場

繼續和敵人戰鬥吧
顫抖的雙手拋給你們
那熊熊的火炬,讓你們將它高舉
你們若辜負死去的我們
我們將不會安息,儘管虞美人
染紅法蘭德斯戰場


(Source: In Flanders fields. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/In_Flanders_Fields

Friday, November 09, 2012

旅遊南太平洋大溪地及其它法屬波利尼西亞島嶼 (三) / Travel to Tahiti & Other Polynésie française Islands in the South Pacific Ocean (3)



I just posted on YouTube, a video clip entitled: 誘人的玻利尼西亞/大溪地舞孃; A Seductive Polynesian / Tahitian Woman Dancer; Une danseuse Polynésienne / Tahitienne

I enjoyed the amazing performance of this beautiful dancer while visiting the Moorea island, which is just across the water from Tahiti.

Wednesday, November 07, 2012

二零一二年美國總統大選 / 2012 US Presidential Election


BBC World Breaking News:  
(Nov 7, 2012 00h25 Ottawa time)
"Victory for Obama; Governor Romney has yet to concede !!!"

As most ppl in North America already have an overdose of the Obama vs Romney news, another analysis here would be cruel and unusual punishment. Let just say at this point, recounting Ohio votes will not make a big difference.

UPDATE

00h55 Governor Romney had phoned Prez Obama and gave his short but graceful conceding speech to his supporters. It remains to be seen whether Republicans, and Democrats too, will "….. Reach across the aisle ….. Put the ppl before the politics ….. "

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Related News ....

Barack Obama Reelection Signals Rise Of New America

Posted:  Updated: 11/07/2012 12:43 am EST  


NEW YORK -- President Barack Obama did not just win reelection tonight. His victory signaled the irreversible triumph of a new, 21st-century America: multiracial, multi-ethnic, global in outlook and moving beyond centuries of racial, sexual, marital and religious tradition.
Obama, the mixed-race son of Hawaii by way of Kansas, Indonesia, Los Angeles, New York and Chicago, won reelection in good part because he not only embodied but spoke to that New America, as did the Democratic Party he leads. His victorious coalition spoke for and about him: a good share of the white vote (about 45 percent in Ohio, for example); 70 percent or so of the Latino vote across the country, according to experts; 96 percent of the African-American vote; and large proportions of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders.
The Republican Party, by contrast, has been reduced to a rump parliament of Caucasian traditionalism: white, married, church-going -- to oversimplify only slightly. "It's a catastrophe," said GOP strategist Steve Schmidt. "This is, this will have to be, the last time that the Republican Party tries to win this way."
The GOP chose as its standard-bearer Mitt Romney, whose own Mormon Church until recent decades discriminated officially against blacks. His campaign made little serious effort to reach out to Hispanics voters, and Romney hurt himself by taking far-right positions on immigration during the GOP primaries. He made no effort whatsoever in the black community.
Obama reached out not only racially and ethnically, but in terms of lifestyle. Analysts made fun of, and Republicans derided, his campaign's focus on discrete demographic and social slices of the electorate, including gays and lesbians. But the message was one about the future, not the American past.
U.S. Census numbers tell the story. In the first decade of the new millennium, the Asian-American population rose 43.3 percent, the African-American population 12.3 percent, the Latino community 43 percent -- and the white population just 5.7 percent.
To be sure, the president won because of his stand on the issues -- health care reform, Wall Street regulation, the auto industry bailout, among others. But his victory is something more: a sense that we are all in this together as a society, no matter who we are or how we live our lives.
I saw this new America at the heart of the Obama reelection effort, in their campaign offices. In one office in Virgina, for example, the local campaign manager was Pakistani-American, the volunteers were of every race and background, the people heading out to handle the signup drive were Hispanic, and the event they were working on was a concert by Bruce Springsteen.

Thursday, November 01, 2012

講粗口 / Foul Language


我講粗口的全盛時期,是香港做送汽水,和在加拿大做鉄路工人的時候,前者是港式炒蝦拆蟹(問候他人老母、門小、門西等),後者是西式的霍這霍那(包括氣憤時用的F*ck Me!! 少番自己!!)。

很多時粗口是勞動界的交談語言,是礙耳但未必是含有惡意,除非是与人吵架、開片打殺。

現我在首都生活,粗囗当然比較少聽少聞,不過政客的油腔滑調,和模稜兩可的官樣文章,卻是同樣礙耳礙眼,啊啊!!

Related link:  Fresh Coffee Shop: 口賤身衰!


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Updated 20121102 (Thank you for the info, Space !!):

Video and text below from YouTube:




石碣袁崇煥紀念園是當地村民多年前在袁的故居舊址上修建的,其中一座袁崇煥騎馬躍前的雕像基座上,鑲有一塊金色銘牌,上面刻有一句據稱是袁帶兵打仗時的口頭禪:「掉哪媽!­頂硬上!」下配英文繙譯「 FUCK HIS MOM! HIT THE HARD!」旁邊還有一段中英文解釋,意指「頂硬上」是袁當年保護京城的主旋律,而「掉哪媽」是罵昏君的助語詞。

由於這句口頭禪極具特色,深得遊客歡迎,被視為是該景區最大亮點。有保安坦言,不少遊客就是衝着這句口頭禪而來的。但有內地記者近日發現,這塊金色銘牌已被鑿走,基座上只­留下因鑿而留下的痕迹。園內保安稱,銘牌是近日鑿去的,具體原因不清楚,「那是領導考慮的事」;有清潔工則稱,牌子是領導拆的。
本報記者昨致電袁崇煥紀念園查詢,一名不願透露姓名的男子稱,自今年初該紀念園收歸東莞市文化局管理後,領導就對銘牌有不同看法,認為是粗口,不宜展示,「領導仲話,冇證­據話呢兩句話係袁崇煥打仗時口頭禪,所以要鏟去」。他還說:「其實咁多年都冇人講唔啱,仲有國家領導人來睇過,亦無反對。唔知點解家要鏟去!」
「掉哪媽!頂硬上!」被鏟,引起民眾不滿。前日有遊客在現場稱,在網上看到紀念園有袁的口頭禪,十分感興趣,專門造訪想合影留念,但可惜再見不到了,「現在只能拍這個殘缺­石像了」。據悉,該六字口頭禪源自金庸論文《袁崇煥評傳》,其中有描述:「全軍上下在他(袁崇煥)激勵下,人人熱血沸騰,決心死戰,『丟哪媽!頂硬上!幾大就幾大!』」



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